I guess I don’t expect anything better of these people but it makes me ill anyway: Big Pharma has invested big money in the organizations planning what a MAGA policy agenda will look like in a new Trump administration. Not surprisingly, that policy playbook contains a major gift for the drug industry: a swift end to the Biden administration’s landmark program to allow Medicare to negotiate lower drug prices. For two decades, Congress barred Medicare from negotiating prescription drug prices, which is a major reason why Americans pay higher prices for drugs than anyone else in the world. In 2022, Democrats finally passed legislation creating a price negotiation pilot program. The same year, Washington’s top drug lobby — Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, or PhRMA — donated $530,000 to groups involved with the far-right Project 2025 agenda. The agenda, which is meant to serve as a policy roadmap for the early days of a new Donald Trump presidency, includes a call to repeal the new provisions allowing Medicare to negotiate drug prices.
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It tells you a lot about the cult and why they love him Philip Bump reads Trump’s social media so you don’t have to. And his analysis of what it tells us is right on: Truth Social is a weird place. The social media site started by Donald Trump (or, really, by tech-savvy people working for him) is not formally oriented around Trump, but it is in practice. It is largely populated by Trump fans and allies who use the site to orbit Trump like asteroids circling the sun. Trump uses it differently, injecting rhetoric and framing into the national conversation. Nearly every one of his posts triggers the same response from the site’s users: a flurry of pro-Trump, anti-Biden memes tacked on to Trump’s missive. It’s feudalistic; when the king emerges from the castle, the serfs compete to offer him their wares in the hopes that — glory be! — he might lackadaisically bless them with a reshare. All of that, the context for the site, offers insight into how Trump approaches power. But one post in particular, offered up by Trump on Wednesday evening, was even more revealing.
Some beautiful creatures:
Some illiteration about the mad king U.S. District Judge Lewis Kaplan adjourned E. Jean Carroll’s defamation trial against Donald “91 Counts” Trump in New York City on Monday after one of the jurors became sick. Trump himself is expected to take the stand this afternoon. The mad king was using his thumbs about it again last night. If Trump’s Truth Social account is any indication of his state of mind, hoo-boy (The New Republic): Trump made 42 posts about Carroll (and one pushing falsehoods about the House January 6 investigative committee) on Truth Social in the span of 13 minutes. Many of his posts included photos or clips of interviews that he has previously shared about Carroll. Trump’s posting rate is so fast that the former president must have some prescheduled, some drafts saved for constant reuse, someone else posting for him, or some combination of all three. His Truth Social account shared media interview clips and social media posts that appear to come from Carroll, all stripped of context so as to paint her as some sort of sexual deviant.
Whatever happened to those pink pussyhats? Over at Anand Giridharadas’ The Ink this morning, Anat Shenker-Osorio emphasizes the need for the left to adopt and use symbols the way MAGA uses hats. Or rather, the way abortion rights activists in Argentina use green bandanas not only to signify their movement’s cause, but to provide people not in the movement with social proof. “It’s one of the most persuasive tools in our arsenal,” Giridharadas writes. Shenker-Osorio explains (subscription req’d): The thing is, people need to see, “Oh, that’s what my kind of a person thinks.” Humans are social creatures. We’re tribal. We want to find cues in our environment that tell us what our category subscribes to. That is, what do people like me think? Or as Girdharadas explains below, what do people like me wear? Shenker-Osorio continues: So while I think there is some symbology on the movement side of the left, there isn’t enough. On the Democratic side, I think it’s very hard to maintain.
He put that out last night. David Leonhardt wonders if we should really worry our pretty little heads about all this: My colleagues Jonathan Swan, Maggie Haberman and Charlie Savage are writing a continuing series on what Donald Trump plans to do during a second term as president. With Trump on his way to winning the Republican nomination, I want to devote today’s newsletter to a conversation with the three of them. David: One question that some people have is whether Trump would govern as radically in a second term as his rhetoric suggests. After all, he also made sweeping promises when running in 2016, but he often failed to follow through. There is no border wall. He didn’t withdraw from Afghanistan. He didn’t “lock up” Hillary Clinton. The courts rejected his initial Muslim ban and his changes to the census. What’s your view about whether to assume he will really do what he says in a second term? Jonathan: I would challenge the statement that Trump didn’t do a lot of what he promised in his first term.
He’s openly threatening anyone who supports Haley — and no doubt any of his other enemies. Come crawling now or never crawl to me again. I doubt he rally means it. He won’t turn away money. But he does want to see who comes running. Why is he so desperate and angry at Haley? He’s ahead in all the polls, he won the first two contests, he’s certain to be the nominee. Could it possibly be that he just can’t stand a woman who refuses to succumb to his orders? In any case, this was the response: She said she’s raised a million dollars since her New Hampshire speech, mostly from small donors. She probably raised even more since Trump’s fatwa against her donors.
Has anything in the world ever been more predictable than this? Former Attorney General Bill Barr is coming to the defense of No Labels and their longshot third party effort. In a Wednesday op-ed for the Wall Street Journal, Barr accused Democrat operatives of potentially breaking the law in response to a complaint filed by No Labels with the Department of Justice describing retaliatory tactics against members and efforts to keep them from making state ballots, an already complicated and costly effort for third parties. The No Labels complaint describes an alleged “conspiracy to use retaliation, fear, intimidation, and even threats of violence” to keep the group off of ballots. No Labels provided accounts of threats and phone calls from Democrat operatives as evidence of their claims. “Although I am a committed Republican and not part of No Labels’ effort, I believe the campaign to disenfranchise the group is profoundly wrong. Poll after poll shows American voters want a choice beyond Joe Biden and Donald Trump,” Barr wrote about the situation.
It’s always worthwhile to circulate this map. Just so people can be reminded that our government is supposed to represent people not dirt. Dean “Who?” It’s been reported that Phillips is almost certainly flirting with No Labels. Unfortunately for him, they are very unlikely to choose some cipher. But he’s a rich guy and his consultants are making big bank exploiting him which is fine. But really — what an ass.
Why did anyone ever think otherwise? Krugman on the dynamite economic news today: The U.S. economy is still growing fast, surpassing almost everyone’s expectations. Inflation is right at the Fed’s target. Let me explain why this is bad for President Biden. OK, actually, no. Biden couldn’t have asked for better numbers. Politics aside, these numbers help us make sense of the inflation that dogged America for a couple of years but plunged in 2023. Here’s a wonkish chart, comparing the Fed’s preferred measure of inflation, the core personal consumption expenditures deflator (hey, don’t blame me), with a measure of labor market slack — the difference between the unemployment rate and the Congressional Budget Office estimate of normal, or “noncyclical,” unemployment. As you can see, before Covid there was a weak and noisy but still real relationship between the two: more slack, lower inflation. Then inflation really took off. Many Biden critics, including some Democrats, blamed the big spending of Biden’s first year.